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Gender, Slavery and Law in Colonial India, by Indrani Chatterjee
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This volume shows that slaves acquired by some ruling households were incorporated into patterns of kinship. Colonial abolitionist measures did not even try to release these slaves; they restructured ideologies of marriage and succession instead and eroded the status of slave-descended members over time.
- Sales Rank: #7688900 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Oxford University Press, USA
- Published on: 1999-06-03
- Original language: English
- Dimensions: 8.50" h x .90" w x 5.60" l,
- Binding: Hardcover
- 300 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
Review
"Chatterjee's study...offers new understanding of the place of the eunuch and the harem in the milieu of governance....[She] presents complex themes clearly and articulately. Her research in company and Indian records is deep and broad....her work is erudite and her arguments highly plausible."--History
About the Author
Indrani Chatterjee, Senior Fellow, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies, Calcutta.
Most helpful customer reviews
4 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
Answers the questions on Indian slavery
By Michael J. Sopher
To say slavery was an economic tool and that slaves worked to produce profits for their landowners is misleading in the author's mind. Slavery, Chatterjee argues, must be understood as a domestic institution. Further domestic slavery and the slaves who were part of it must be seen as having multiple connections to indigenous caste and community groupings. Slaves were not exclusively members of the lowest society of the Indian caste system, and the concept of "slavery" should not be limited to those belonging to such groups.
The book's main chapters focus on the explication of domestic slavery within the Murshidabad court and on that court's relations with the East India Company and colonial officials. After an initial historiographical discussion of slavery, Chatterjee moves on in her second chapter to a description of the slave system that operated within the Murshidabad court and the relationship of that system to ties of kinship and nonkinship. Her third chapter describes the efforts of East India Company and colonial officials to manipulate and reinterpret indigenous slave institutions in ways thought appropriate to British (and sometimes Islamic) laws regarding marriage and kinship. Chapter four studies the economic relationships and exchanges within the Nizamat, the role played by slaves in this process, and the interventions of company and colonial officials in these exchanges. Chapter five examines laws relating to slavery in this period, both company and Islamic, and the various legal contortions through which colonial officials managed their coexistence with a slavery that was said not to exist.
In the conclusion, Chatterjee places her subject in its modern context. We must understand personal law in modern India as the product of colonial intervention and construction. We must reconstruct the history of domestic slavery in India out of the nineteenth-century genealogical, kinship, and legal subterfuges that sought to obscure and occlude it from India's historical past. Finally, we must include the "sexual reproduction" of domestic slavery within our understanding of productive labor systems in India. Only when we have done all this "can the legacy of administrative complicity and family collusion in the persistence of a traffic in women and children in modern India be fully understood" (p. 239).
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